[...] I know why I'm an intellectual, a writer, who tries to follow everything that happens to know everything that he writes, to imagine all that you do not know or is silent; coordinating events even far away, that puts together the pieces of a whole disorganized and fragmented coherent policy framework that restores the logic where there seems to be the arbitrariness, the madness and the mystery
.[...] This is all part of my job and instinct of my job. I think it's unlikely that my "draft novel," is wrong, that does not have that bearing on reality, and that its references to real people and facts are inaccurate. I also believe that many other intellectuals and writers know what I know as intellectual and novelist. Because the reconstruction of the truth [...] is not that difficult .[...]
Probably journalists and politicians have also evidence, or at least clues. Now the problem is this: journalists and politicians, although perhaps of evidence and clues of course, are not the names. To whom then will compete to make these names? Evidently those who not only has the necessary courage, but, together, is not affected by the power in practice, and, moreover, has not, by definition, nothing to lose, that is an intellectual. An intellectual
so it could very well do those names publicly, but he has no evidence or clues. The power and the world, although not power, take practical relations with power, has ruled out the intellectuals free - just the way it did - the ability to have evidence and clues. [...]
the intellectual courage of truth and the political practice are two irreconcilable things in Italy. The intellectual - profoundly and viscerally despised by all the Italian bourgeoisie - will refer a warrant falsely high and noble, in reality servile to discuss the moral and ideological problems. [...]
Now, because even the opposition politicians, if they have - as you probably have - or at least testing evidence, suggest the names of those responsible for real, that is, political [...]? It's simple: they do not make them far that distinguish - as opposed to what would be an intellectual - political truth from political practice. And then, of course, here again to bring evidence and indications that the current intellectual official: if you do not even dream, the rest as normal, given the objective facts. [...]
I know well that is not the case - at this particular moment in Italian history - to make public a motion of no confidence against the entire political class. It is not diplomatic, it is not appropriate. But these categories of politics, not of political truth: what - when he can and how can it - the impotent intellectual is required to serve. Well, just because I can not give the names of responsible [...] I can not pronounce my weak and ideal accusation against the entire Italian political class.
[...] I am ready to retract my vote of no confidence (or rather do not expect more than that) when a politician - not by chance, that is not because the time has come, but rather to create the possibility of that moment - decides to make the names of those responsible [...], which obviously he knows, like me, can not have evidence, or at least clues. Pier Paolo Pasolini
Corriere della Sera, November 14, 1974
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